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a) 1990

  1. (in Book Reviews)

Social Closure: The Theory of Monopolization and Exclusion.

Raymond Murphy

Review author[s]: David Swartz

The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 96, No. 2. (Sep., 1990), pp. 480-482.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0002-9602%28199009%2996%3A2%3C480%3ASCTTOM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z

  1. Ethnicity and Entrepreneurship

Howard E. Aldrich; Roger Waldinger

Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 16. (1990), pp. 111-135.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0360-0572%281990%2916%3C111%3AEAE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1

Abstract: We examine various approaches to explaining ethnic enterprise, using a framework based on three dimensions: an ethnic group's access to opportunities, the characteristics of a group, and emergent strategies. A common theme pervades research on ethnic business: Ethnic groups adapt to the resources made available by their environments, which vary substantially across societies and over time. Four issues emerge as requiring greater attention: the reciprocal relation between ethnicity and entrepreneurship, more careful use of ethnic labels and categories in research, a need for more multigroup, comparative research, and more process-oriented research designs.

  1. Marital Status, Social Support, and Health Transitions in Chronic Disease Patients

Cathy Donald Sherbourne; Ron D. Hays

Journal of Health and Social Behavior, Vol. 31, No. 4. (Dec., 1990), pp. 328-343.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0022-1465%28199012%2931%3A4%3C328%3AMSSSAH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7

Abstract: Married persons tend to be healthier, both physically and mentally, than unmarried persons. We tested the hypothesis that being married results in better physical and mental health outcomes for chronic disease patients (N = 1,817) by increasing social support. We modeled health outcomes one year later, controlling for initial health status. Cross-validation studies of two random halves of the sample supported an indirect effect of marital status on mental health through social support, but did not support a relationship, direct or indirect, of either marital status or social support with physical health outcomes. In addition, specific types of functional support were not differentially predictive of mental health status.

  1. Toward a Political-Organizational Model of Gatekeeping: The Case of Elite Colleges

David Karen

Sociology of Education, Vol. 63, No. 4. (Oct., 1990), pp. 227-240.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0038-0407%28199010%2963%3A4%3C227%3ATAPMOG%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O

Abstract: This article develops a theory of gatekeeping in the context of a case study of admission to an elite college-Harvard College. By focusing on the political and organizational context within which gatekeeping takes place, it shows how meritocratic and class-based factors each play roles in the decision-making process. The article demonstrates how attention to the organization and its field yields critical information about the microprocesses that govern the selection of individuals and the outcomes that contribute to our stratification order. It is suggested that the model of gatekeeping that is developed will be applicable to selection processes in other organizations.

  1. Educational Transitions in Israel: A Test of the Industrialization and Credentialism Hypotheses

Yossi Shavit; Vered Kraus

Sociology of Education, Vol. 63, No. 2. (Apr., 1990), pp. 133-141.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0038-0407%28199004%2963%3A2%3C133%3AETIIAT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6

Abstract: The industrialization hypothesis predicts a decline in the effects of social background variables on educational attainment across cohorts, whereas the credentialism hypothesis predicts a decline of these effects on the attainment of lower educational levels and stable or rising effects on the attainment of higher levels of schooling. Employing a model developed by Mare (1981) and analyzing data from the 1974 Israeli Mobility Survey, the authors found that the effects of father's education and occupation on the various educational transitions were stable across cohorts who attended school during the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. However, the effects of ethnicity, a major axis of the Israeli system of social stratification, declined in the transition from primary to secondary schooling but remained constant on subsequent educational transitions.

  1. Processing Sequential Status Information

Dick de Gilder; Henk A. M. Wilke

Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 53, No. 4. (Dec., 1990), pp. 340-351.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0190-2725%28199012%2953%3A4%3C340%3APSSI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-H

Abstract: We investigated effects of the provision of sequential status information on influence acceptance. For this purpose we introduced a modification of the experimental paradigm used in expectation states theory (EST) research. Influence acceptance was measured in three rounds. Round 1, in which no status information was conveyed, provided a base rate of influence acceptance. During Round 2 subjects were ascribed higher or lower status than a fictious partner. During Round 3 subjects again received higher or lower status. Influence acceptance in the four conditions of the 2 x 2 factorial design was compared with the base rate. It appeared that 1) individual differences in influence acceptance-termed individual initial conformity-played a significant role in subsequent influence acceptance; 2) self-serving biases affected status-organizing processes; and 3) combining rather than balancing of sequential status information took place.

  1. Deinstitutionalization: An Appraisal of Reform

David Mechanic; David A. Rochefort

Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 16. (1990), pp. 301-327.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0360-0572%281990%2916%3C301%3ADAAOR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-H

Abstract: The number of inpatients in US public mental hospitals declined from 559,000 in 1955 to approximately 110,000 at present. Reductions resulted from release or transfer of long-term inpatients and from entrance barriers to new admissions. The timing and pace of deinstitutionalization substantially varied by state, but three quarters of the national reduction followed the expansion of welfare programs in the middle 1960s. The establishment of community care alternatives was highly inadequate, leaving many severely and persistently mentally ill people without essential services. Problems of care were exacerbated by the contraction of welfare programs in the 1980s, which resulted in serious neglect and homelessness. Plagued by underfinancing and fragmentation of care, new strategies in developing mental health care systems include capitation, case-management approaches, and the development of strong local mental health authorities.

  1. Residential Satisfaction and Socioeconomic and Housing Characteristics of Urban Black Adults

Adedokun Jagun; Diane R. Brown; Norweeta G. Milburn; Lawrence E. Gary

Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 21, No. 1, The Emerging African-American Environment. (Sep., 1990), pp. 40-51.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0021-9347%28199009%2921%3A1%3C40%3ARSASAH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-D

  1. The Risks of Reproductive Impairment in the Later Years of Childbearing

Joseph A. McFalls, Jr.

Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 16. (1990), pp. 491-519.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0360-0572%281990%2916%3C491%3ATRORII%3E2.0.CO%3B2-P

Abstract: A notable feature of the present baby bust in the United States is that substantial proportions of women are delaying much of their childbearing until relatively late in their reproductive lives. One concern about this delayed childbearing is that many women may end up either childless or with fewer children than they desire, owing to reproductive impairment. This paper reviews evidence concerning the decline of reproductive ability with age. The findings can be distilled into two main facts. First, the proportion of women with low reproductive ability increases steadily from age 15 to age 50. Second, this rise is moderate until the mid-30s when it begins to increase more sharply. While the current consensus is that most healthy women in their late thirties have a good prospect of giving birth to a healthy infant, a substantial minority of postponers will end up childless or with fewer children than they desire, due to reproductive impairment as well as to social causes.

  1. Foucault and Feminism

Shane Phelan

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 2. (May, 1990), pp. 421-440.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199005%2934%3A2%3C421%3AFAF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-U

Abstract: Foucault's approach challenges many of the frameworks and concepts of both liberal and communitarian political thought. By documenting the links between power and knowledge at a variety of levels, he makes us suspect theories that pinpoint a single source of oppressions and problems. He also calls into question the familiar belief that truth and power are opposed, a belief that leads to a particular sort of ";liberatory"; action that may in fact be a simple denial of the fact of power in our lives. I shall argue that this has strong implications for the evaluation and development of feminist theory and other political theory. Foucault's work has been challenged on the ground of incoherence and nihilism. This challenge has been made by both feminists and nonfeminists. The later sections of the paper address these charges and argue that he is neither incoherent nor nihilistic but is searching for a new ground for political theory that will overcome many of the defects of modern ";humanist"; theory. In this, he is an ally of feminists who seek to demonstrate and challenge the false inclusion and equality of humanist discourse.

  1. A Critical Reading of the Disillusionment Novel

Joe E. Obi, Jr.

Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 20, No. 4, The African Literary Imagination. (Jun., 1990), pp. 399-413.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0021-9347%28199006%2920%3A4%3C399%3AACROTD%3E2.0.CO%3B2-S

  1. (in Reviews; Organizations, Occupations, and Markets)

Pleasure, Power and Technology: Some Tales of Gender, Engineering, and the Cooperative Workplace.

Sally Hacker

Review author[s]: Elizabeth Maret

Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 5. (Sep., 1990), p. 700.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0094-3061%28199009%2919%3A5%3C700%3APPATST%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O

  1. (in Book Reviews)

Modern Welfare States: Politics and Policies in Social Democratic Scandinavia.

Eric S. Einhor; John Logue

Review author[s]: Stein Kuhnle

The Journal of Politics, Vol. 52, No. 3. (Aug., 1990), pp. 1015-1017.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0022-3816%28199008%2952%3A3%3C1015%3AMWSPAP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-X

  1. Communication Rule Structure and the Communication Management of the South African Crisis

R. L. Nwafo Nwanko; Teresa K. Mphahlele

Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3, Culture, Communication, and Development in Africa. (Mar., 1990), pp. 287-305.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0021-9347%28199003%2920%3A3%3C287%3ACRSATC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4

  1. Segregation, Tracking, and the Educational Attainment of Minorities: Arabs and Oriental Jews in Israel

Yossi Shavit

American Sociological Review, Vol. 55, No. 1. (Feb., 1990), pp. 115-126.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0003-1224%28199002%2955%3A1%3C115%3ASTATEA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9

Abstract: In recent cohorts, Arab-Israeli men attend post-secondary schools at higher rates than Oriental Jews. This pattern has emerged despite the socioeconomic disadvantage of Arabs, the small share of resources allocated to Arab education, and government efforts to advance the attainment of Oriental Jews. Two explanations for this pattern are tested and corroborated: First, Arabs benefit from a separate school system, whereas Oriental educational levels are depressed because of competition with more privileged European-origin Jews in an integrated school system. Second, at the secondary level Oriental Jews are tracked disproportionately into vocational tracks which divert them from college education, while in the segregated Arab system secondary education is predominantly college preparatory. The paper concludes by suggesting that tracking, used to separate ethno-cultural groups within a school system and depress their educational attainment, is not ";necessary"; when the groups are residentially segregated, when more direct means of social exclusion can be employed, and when members of the dominant group are shielded from minority competition in the job market.

  1. A Review: The Times's Israeli Poll on the Eve of Shamir's 1989 Visit (in The Polls)

Howard Schuman

The Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 3. (Autumn, 1990), pp. 409-414.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0033-362X%28199023%2954%3A3%3C409%3AARTTIP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O

  1. High Politics is Low Politics: The Domestic and Systemic Sources of Israeli Security Policy, 1967-1977

Michael Barnett

World Politics, Vol. 42, No. 4. (Jul., 1990), pp. 529-562.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0043-8871%28199007%2942%3A4%3C529%3AHPILPT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-P

Abstract: The literature on international political economy explains foreign economic policies by integrating systemic, state, and societal features. Theoretical approaches to national security, however, have tended to extract the state from its societal context. An adequate conceptualization of security policy must integrate both systemic forces and the domestic political economy. One way of integrating these concerns is by examining the state's strategies for mobilizing those financial, productive, and human resources considered necessary for national security. This article examines the political economy of the state's mobilization of resources for national security, called ";war preparation,"; and proposes a framework for investigation that consists of three elements: (1) the objectives of state managers, (2) the constraints on the state, and (3) the policies of the state for mobilizing its required resources. Based upon these considerations, some tendencies in the government's war preparation strategies are suggested. The utility of this framework is explored through an empirical examination of Israel between 1967 and 1977. The study demonstrates how Israel's war preparation strategies were shaped by the states's domestic and security objectives, the domestic political economy, and systemic constraints and opportunities.

  1. Effects of Interview Mode on Self-Reported Drug Use

William S. Aquilino; Leonard A. Lo Sciuto

The Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 3. (Autumn, 1990), pp. 362-395.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0033-362X%28199023%2954%3A3%3C362%3AEOIMOS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-%23

Abstract: The effects of interview mode on 18- to 34-year-olds' self-reported tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine use were investigated. RDD telephone and personal drug use surveys of the state of New Jersey were conducted in 1986-87. In the personal interview, respondents recorded their drug use on self-administered answer sheets. Compared to the area probability sample in the personal interview, RDD yielded a sample of blacks higher in income and education, and more likely to be married and currently employed; white SES was also higher in the telephone sample, but to a lesser degree than for blacks. Controlling for demographic characteristics and RDD's exclusion of non-telephone households, the telephone survey yielded significantly lower estimates of blacks' alcohol consumption, and lifetime and recent marijuana use. Whites' alcohol consumption was slightly lower by telephone; otherwise, estimates of whites' use of the four substances were nearly identical in the two modes. Sample coverage, respondent demogrphic characteristics. and racial matching of interviewer and respondent did not account for the significant mode differences. Characteristics of the interview situation itself, such as provision of privacy in the self-administered format, may have influenced tendencies toward socially desirable responding to a threatening topic such as drug use.

  1. Socialization of Party Activists: National Convention Delegates, 1972-81

Debra L. Dodson

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 4. (Nov., 1990), pp. 1119-1141.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199011%2934%3A4%3C1119%3ASOPANC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-P

Abstract: When unconventional political activists captured the 1972 Democratic national convention, many feared that these activists who rejected traditional party norms would destroy that party. However, analysis of the Center for Political Studies' (CPS) 1972-81 panel survey of national convention delegates shows that by 1981 the less conventional 1972 Democratic delegates had adopted more traditional attitudes about the role of the party organization, and they were more willing to compromise. Their socialization was largely the result of increased affiliative ties with their political party over the nine-year period. While their socialization had obvious potential benefits for their party's ability to aggregate demands and sustain unity, socialization also helped sustain involvement of certain types of activists: those who initially saw few reasons for political involvement and those highly committed to policy goals. Traditional party norms helped sustain these activists' interest in an organization that requires compromise. However, socialization is not necessary for sustained involvement. The implications of these findings for political parties are discussed.

  1. Democracy and Economic Crisis: The Latin American Experience

Karen L. Remmer

World Politics, Vol. 42, No. 3. (Apr., 1990), pp. 315-335.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0043-8871%28199004%2942%3A3%3C315%3ADAECTL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-X

Abstract: The debt crisis has raised serious concerns about the future of democratic governance in Latin America. The prevailing assumption is not merely that economic decline undercuts prospects for democratic consolidation; because of their vulnerability to popular political pressures, democracies--particularly new democracies--have been seen as incapable of mounting effective policy responses to critical economic challenges. A comparative study of policy outcomes in Latin America since the outbreak of the debt crisis challenges this assumption. If we control for the magnitude of the debt burden at the outbreak of the crisis, no statistically significant differences emerge between democratic and authoritarian regimes, or between new democracies and more established regimes. The findings suggest that the conventional wisdom about democracy and economic crisis exaggerates the relationship between political regime characteristics and policy choice, and fundamentally misconstrues the strengths and weaknesses of liberal democratic forms of governance.

  1. Institutions and Economic Policy: Theory and a Korean Case Study

Stephan Haggard; Chung-In Moon

World Politics, Vol. 42, No. 2. (Jan., 1990), pp. 210-237.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0043-8871%28199001%2942%3A2%3C210%3AIAEPTA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1

Abstract: Recent writing on the rapid growth of the East Asian newly industrializing countries--Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore--has been dominated by an institutionalist perspective that focuses on the ";strength"; of the state vis-a-vis societal actors. A study of Korea's stabilization efforts in the 1980s underlines the importance of organizational factors in explaining policy outcomes, but also suggests important limits on institutionalist arguments. These include the absence of unique institutional solutions for political problems and the indeterminacy of institutional configuration with respect to the economic efficiency of policy. A focus on characteristics of the state alone can overlook the organizational resources of societal actors and the interest of politicians in building bases of support even in ";strong"; states.

  1. Poverty, The Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power

John B. Londregan; Keith T. Poole

World Politics, Vol. 42, No. 2. (Jan., 1990), pp. 151-183.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0043-8871%28199001%2942%3A2%3C151%3APTCTAT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-P

Abstract: The transfer of power through the use of military force is a commonplace event in world affairs. Although no two coups d'etat are alike, they all have a common denominator: poverty. We analyze political and economic data from 121 countries during the period 1950-1982 and find that the probability of a government's being overthrown by a coup is significantly influenced by the level of economic well-being. Thus, even authoritarian governments have powerful incentives to promote economic growth, not out of concern for the welfare of their citizens, but because poor economic performance may lead to their removal by force. When the simultaneity of low income and coups is accounted for, we find that the aftereffects of a coup include a heritage of political instability in the form of an increased likelihood of further coups. Although the effect of income on coups is pronounced, we find little evidence of feedback from coups to income growth.

  1. Transaction-Cost Economics and Cross-National Patterns of Industrial Conflict: A Comparative Institutional Analysis

John D. Robertson

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 1. (Feb., 1990), pp. 153-189.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199002%2934%3A1%3C153%3ATEACPO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-G

Abstract: At the core of a capitalist system is an implied coalition between labor and capital built upon a system of exchange and compromise. Without capital, the material condition upon which labor's interests are realize would be impossible. Likewise, without labor's consent to exchange wages for future investment, capital could not procure the profits and savings necessary for its reproduction and transformation. Organizing stable and cost-efficient class coalitions has long been recognized as not merely an economic priority but a political challenge. Yet, some democracies have met this challenge more successfully than others. For the student of comparative political economy, an enduring question remains: Why? The present study is an attempt to provide an answer that complements and integrates the more common macro- and microanalytic studies of industrial conflict. It is argued here that a useful approach is to explicate some of the major microeconomic dynamics that condition exchanges between labor and capital and to demonstrate how institutional devices designed to accommodate political representation and conflict resolution facilitate or impede the process of class compromise. By employing the logic of transaction-cost economics, the analysis highlights the comparative institutional elements fundamental to economizing on the costs of exchange-shaping consensus within a political economy's industrial relations system. The resulting transaction-cost efficiency model of industrial conflict specifies the ex ante cost factors (price margin of transaction and the institutional control of bounded rationality) and the ex post cost factors (legislative polarized pluralism, executive hegemony, and the frequency of general elections) central to the process of building and sustaining class coalitions. The model is tested on data drawn from 19 democracies covering the years 1965-83. Use of simulation models reveals the relative trade-offs associated with different patterns of ex ante and ex post cost structures.

  1. Centripetal and Centrifugal Incentives in Electoral Systems

Gary W. Cox

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 4. (Nov., 1990), pp. 903-935.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199011%2934%3A4%3C903%3ACACIIE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-V

Abstract: This paper investigates how electoral laws affect the position-taking incentives of parties and candidates. It seeks to extend the finding presented in the classical ";median voter theorem"; to a wide class of electoral systems--or to show the limits of such extension. The factors examined are the district magnitude, the electoral formula, the number of votes each voter is allowed to cast, whether voters can cumulate their votes, and whether voters can ";partially abstain."; I suggest a crude division of electoral systems into those producing predominantly centripetal incentives and those producing predominantly centrifugal incentives. Among the factors found to produce centripetal incentives, at least in noncumulative systems, are the following: increases in the number of votes per voter; outlawry of ";partial abstention";; and decreases in the district magnitude. In systems allowing the cumulation of votes, matters are a bit different.

  1. International Institutions and the New Economics of Organization (in Review Essays)

The Economic Institutions of Capitalism: Firms, Markets, Relational Contracting.

Oliver E. Williamson

Economics and Institutions: A Manifesto for a Modern Institutional Economics.

Geoffrey M. Hodgson

Review author[s]: Beth V. Yarbrough; Robert M. Yarbrough

International Organization, Vol. 44, No. 2. (Spring, 1990), pp. 235-259.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0020-8183%28199021%2944%3A2%3C235%3AIIATNE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z

  1. Japan and the Theory of International Leadership

Richard Rosecrance; Jennifer Taw

World Politics, Vol. 42, No. 2. (Jan., 1990), pp. 184-209.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0043-8871%28199001%2942%3A2%3C184%3AJATTOI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4

Abstract: This essay makes four points: (1) despite the assertions of some of their proponents, static game-theoretic and optimal-tariff arguments suggest that states should not undertake hegemonic responsibilities to maintain an open trading system; (2) hegemonic states have, in fact, cooperated with others, despite risks to themselves; (3) Japan, the hegemonic successor or condominial associate of the United States in the years to come, is also likely to cooperate to prevent the collapse of the international trading system. This means (4) that hegemonic or near-hegemonic powers have either acted irrationally or that their calculations have rested upon a different and more dynamic rational foundation. Specifically, systemic as well as domestic considerations have influenced their thinking and determined their policies. A major creditor power like Japan must find means of allowing others to earn surpluses in its own market or of providing assistance on concessional terms.

  1. Does Politics Make a Difference at the EEOC?

B. Dan Wood

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 2. (May, 1990), pp. 503-530.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199005%2934%3A2%3C503%3ADPMADA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-B

Abstract: Stability and responsiveness are features of bureaucracy that affect both policy success and policy consistency with dynamic public values. This article explores the stability and responsiveness of a bureaucracy which, according to normative theory, should be less responsive to political stimuli, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Measures are constructed across time of political support for commission policies, as well as agency outputs and their effect on the client community. Linear time series regression methods are then applied in quantifying changes through time in policy implementation and their consistency with the ideology of incumbent political administrations. The findings demonstrate that equal employment opportunity policy is unstable, undergoing frequent transformations in response to changing political conditions.

  1. (in Reviews; Organizations, Occupations, and Markets)

Managers Managing: The Workings of an Administrative System.

Jane Hannaway

Review author[s]: David Cray

Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 5. (Sep., 1990), pp. 690-691.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0094-3061%28199009%2919%3A5%3C690%3AMMTWOA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6

  1. Analyzing Political Decision Making from an Information-Processing Perspective: JESSE

Donald A. Sylvan; Ashok Goel; B. Chandrasekaran

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 1. (Feb., 1990), pp. 74-123.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199002%2934%3A1%3C74%3AAPDMFA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-W

Abstract: Political behavior is argued to result from interacting political and information-processing mechanisms. Political mechanisms deal with the values, interests, and influence of the political actors, while information-processing mechanisms concern themselves with the actors' use of knowledge and experience in exploring the space of choices and actions. Information-processing approaches are argued to provide a language for expressing theories of political decision making with greater precision than before. This language also enables computational experimentation with these theories. The general information-processing approach is illustrated in detail for the specific domain of Japanese energy and foreign policy decision making. A political theory of decision making by the Japanese political and economic elite in the domain of its energy supply security is developed from an information-processing perspective. This theory is embodied in an experimental system called JESSE. JESSE contains multiple modules that perform the generic task of classification and a module that performs the generic task of plan selection. The system is initiated by supplying information about an energy-related situation. It classifies the situation into types of threats posed to Japanese energy supply security and retrieves stored plans from memory. Its output can range from a decision not to take any action to a large number of actions some of which may appear contradictory. The theory embodied in JESSE is argued to apply to political decision-making situations in which there are limits on institutional rivalry; the members of the decision-making group have been socialized similarly; the problem domain is seen as sacrosanct; and there is substantial prior analysis and planning. The issue of validating the theory is addressed, and JESSE is found to be a plausible model of Japanese decision making in the domain of her energy supply security.

  1. Power Relations in Exchange Networks: A Comment on ";Network Exchange Theory"; (in Comments and Replies)

Toshio Yamagishi; Karen S. Cook

American Sociological Review, Vol. 55, No. 2. (Apr., 1990), pp. 297-300.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0003-1224%28199004%2955%3A2%3C297%3APRIENA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C

  1. The Budgetary Effects of Municipal Service Contracting: A Principal-Agent Explanation

Robert M. Stein

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 2. (May, 1990), pp. 471-502.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199005%2934%3A2%3C471%3ATBEOMS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-X

Abstract: This study examines the spending and employment practices associated with service contracting. Specific attention is paid to the aggregate spending and employment levels of different contracting practices. A principal-agent model is offered and tested in which the decision to contract is mediated by the preferences of different actors in the policymaking process. Incentives for the use of a contract mode of production differ between mayors and bureau heads, producing an asymmetry between the spending and employment effects of contracting observed at the bureau and city level.

  1. Position in the Class Structure and Psychological Functioning in the United States, Japan, and Poland

Melvin L. Kohn; Atsushi Naoi; Carrie Schoenbach; Carmi Schooler; Kazimierz M. Slomczynski

The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 95, No. 4. (Jan., 1990), pp. 964-1008.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0002-9602%28199001%2995%3A4%3C964%3APITCSA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C

Abstract: This article conceptualizes and indexes social class for a Western capitalist country (the United States), a non-Western capitalist country (Japan), and a socialist country (Poland). The idea that social classes are to be distinguished in terms of ownership, control of the means of production, and control over the labor power of others is adapted to the historical, cultural, economic, and political circumstances of each country. It is hypothesized that men who are more advantageously located in the class structure of their society are more likely to value self-direction for their children, to be intellectually flexible, and to be self-directed in their orientations than men who are less advantageously located. The hypothesis that occupational self-direction plays a crucial role in explaining the psychological effect of social class in all three countries is also confirmed. There was no firm basis for hypothesizing the relationships between social class and a sense of distress. The pattern is cross-nationally inconsistent, in part because occupational self-direction does not have the cross-nationally consistent effect on the sense of distress that it has on other facets of psychological functioning.

  1. (in Reviews; Macrosociology: Social Change, Social Movements, World Systems, Comparative and Historical Sociology)

The Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers.

Baruch Kimmerling

Review author[s]: Yonathan Shapiro

Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 3. (May, 1990), pp. 363-364.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0094-3061%28199005%2919%3A3%3C363%3ATISASB%3E2.0.CO%3B2-K

  1. Race, Class, and Gender in the U.S. Welfare State: Nixon's Failed Family Assistance Plan

Jill Quadagno

American Sociological Review, Vol. 55, No. 1. (Feb., 1990), pp. 11-28.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0003-1224%28199002%2955%3A1%3C11%3ARCAGIT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-5

Abstract: The central arguments about the formation of the U.S. welfare state view it as a product of class struggle driven by conflicts between labor and capital over problems of production. The emphasis on class struggle as the central dynamic has led class analyses to ignore a defining feature of social provision: its organization around race and gender. This historical case study of Richard Nixon's proposal for a Family Assistance Plan (FAP) to provide a guaranteed annual income to the working poor demonstrates that welfare programs not only mediate relations between classes but between politically dominant and politically repressed groups. By subsidizing the low-wage labor of black males and the childbearing role of black females, the FAP would reinstate male dominance over women in the household and retain white dominance over blacks in the labor market. The analysis suggests that while social policy may be used to increase female dependence, under certain historical conditions (in this case, those that existed in the South) social policy may enhance gender and racial equality. If economic power gained through redistributive measures from the state creates political opportunities for the excluded, then social policy becomes a liberating force.

  1. Parochialism, Policy, and Constituency Constraints: Congressional Voting on Strategic Weapons Systems

James M. Lindsay

American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 4. (Nov., 1990), pp. 936-960.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0092-5853%28199011%2934%3A4%3C936%3APPACCC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-U

Abstract: Conventional wisdom holds that parochialism shapes how Congress decides defense issues. Yet most statistical analyses point to ideology as the key variable in congressional voting on defense policy. This study examines Senate and House votes on several strategic weapons systems and corroborates previous findings; members of Congress generally vote in accordance with their policy views and not their constituency's economic interests. This departs markedly from congressional behavior in other areas of the defense budget and suggests that the conventional wisdom about the constituency-voting link is oversimplified. In particular, the findings here lend credence to the argument that the constituency should be viewed as a constraint on members' freedom of action rather than as a positive guide to behavior.

  1. Toward a Foucauldian Analysis of International Regimes

James F. Keeley

International Organization, Vol. 44, No. 1. (Winter, 1990), pp. 83-105.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0020-8183%28199024%2944%3A1%3C83%3ATAFAOI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C

Abstract: The liberal approach to international regimes is attractive in the development of that concept because it deploys a well-developed and rigorous set of analytic devices in the form of rational actor models. However, it also assumes that regimes are benevolent, voluntary, cooperative, and legitimate associations of actors, which unnecessarily limits the regime concept and encourages an ideological and apologetic position with respect to regimes. Following a critique of the liberal approach, this article suggests an alternative based on a fundamental assumption of contestability in regimes. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault which culminates in the concept of ";power/knowledge,"; it regards international regimes as attempts to define, order, and act within international public spaces. It also regards international regimes as loci and foci of struggle. Some aspects of this conceptualization are sketched in preliminary form, and a brief illustration in the area of nuclear nonproliferation is provided.

  1. Communication, Ideology, and Democratic Theory (in Articles)

James F. Bohman

The American Political Science Review, Vol. 84, No. 1. (Mar., 1990), pp. 93-109.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0003-0554%28199003%2984%3A1%3C93%3ACIADT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-D

Abstract: Using Habermas' theory of communicative action and his remarks on the legitimacy of the state under modern social conditions as a starting point. I combine normative democratic theory with the critique of ideology. I first outline four necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions of communication for democratic decision making: such agreements must (1) be formally and procedurally correct, (2) be cognitively adequate, (3) concern issues on which consensus or compromise can be reached, and (4) be free of ideology. The first three conditions form the core of a normative democratic theory, one that is not purely procedural, as many have argued it is. I then discuss the fourth condition and establish the relation between ideology and democracy. Taken together, these conditions not only provide an answer to troubling questions for democratic theory but also delineate the extent to which politics is rational and political claims are @'truthlike.@'

  1. Social Policy through Land Reform: New Jersey's Mount Laurel Controversy

Mark Alan Hughes; Peter M. Vandoren

Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 105, No. 1. (Spring, 1990), pp. 97-111.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0032-3195%28199021%29105%3A1%3C97%3ASPTLRN%3E2.0.CO%3B2-U

  1. Management Education and Business Elites (in Reviews; Organizations, Occupations, and Markets)

A Family Business? The Making of an International Business Elite.

Jane Marceau

Review author[s]: David Vogel

Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 5. (Sep., 1990), pp. 688-689.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0094-3061%28199009%2919%3A5%3C688%3AMEABE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-B

  1. (in Reviews; Political Institutions and the State)

Political Power and Social Theory: A Research Annual, Vol. 7.

Maurice Zeitlin

Review author[s]: David Milton

Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 6. (Nov., 1990), pp. 848-849.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0094-3061%28199011%2919%3A6%3C848%3APPASTA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-A

  1. (in Book Reviews)

Outside In: Minorities and the Transformation of American Education.

Paula S. Fass

Review author[s]: David Tyack

The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 96, No. 1. (Jul., 1990), pp. 253-255.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0002-9602%28199007%2996%3A1%3C253%3AOIMATT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-0

  1. (in Reviews; Social Psychology, Socialization, and the Life Course: Aging, Family, Education, and Sexuality.)

Women, Food, and Families.

Nickie Charles; Marion Kerr

Review author[s]: Betty Yorburg

Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 1. (Jan., 1990), pp. 128-129.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0094-3061%28199001%2919%3A1%3C128%3AWFAF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2

  1. The Opinion-Policy Nexus in Germany

Joel E. Brooks

The Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 4. (Winter, 1990), pp. 508-529.

Stable URL: /sici?sici=0033-362X%28199024%2954%3A4%3C508%3ATONIG%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9

Abstract: This article analyzes the previously unresearched relationship between mass public opinion and public policy in contemporary West Germany. By studying approximately 150 cases over the last decade, the nature of German democracy is revealed in relation to the overall consistency between majority preferences and government action. The opinion-policy nexus is explored in regard to the impact of issue saliency, landslide majorities, different categories of issues (e.g., redistributive, foreign policy), and the partisan composition of the government (i.e., Social Democratic vs. Christian Democratic). In addition, there is a cross-national comparison of results for West Germany with the author's previous research on opinion and policy in the United States, Britain, and France. The findings indicate that (like other nations studied) public opinion and public policy in Germany are inconsistent in a majority of instances and that (unlike Britain or France) the partisan composition of the government does not matter vis-a-vis the degree of policy-opinion cogruence.

  1. (in Book Reviews)

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