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In 1675 he was removed to the monastery of

Cyrillus. Under Czar Theodore he was allowed to

return to his own monastery, but on the way thither

he died. (N. BONWET$CII.)

Bisraoaasrar: J. V. Bacmeister. BeytrBge zur Lebenage­

achichte lea Patriarchen Nikon, Riga, 1788; W. Palmer,

The Patriarch and the Tear, vole. i.‑iii., 8 vole., London,

1871‑78; Philaret, GeachichEe der Kirche Ruealanda, ii. 22

eqq., 119 eqq., Frankfort, 1872; Makarij, Geachichle der'

ruaaiechen Kirche, xi. 182 eqq., and vol. ail., 8t. Peters­

burg; 18823; A. H. Hors, Eighteen Centuries of the

Orthodox Greek Church, pp. 563 eqq., New York, 1899; R.

$eeberg, Aue Religion and GeachichEe. P. 332. Leipeic,1908.

MILES, WILLIAM WOODRUFF: Protestant Episcopalian bishop of New Hampshire; b. at Hatley, P. (a., May 24, 1832. He was educated at Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. (A.B., 1857; tutor 1857‑58) and at the Berkeley Divinity School, Mid­dletown, Conn., from which he was graduated in 1861. He was ordered deacon in 1861 and advanced to the priesthood in 1862. He was rector of St. Philip's, Wiscasaet, Me. (1861‑64), professor of Latin in Trinity College (1864‑70), and rector of St. John's, Warehouse Point, Conn. (1868‑70). In 1870 he was consecrated bishop of New Hampshire. He is a member of the board of managers of the Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church. He was likewise a member of the committee for revising the Prayer Book and marginal readings in the Bible, and in 18667 was editor of The Churchman.

BIHLIOaRAPHY: W. 6. Perry, The Episcopate in America,

p. 205, New York, 1895.

1QILUS: The name borne by a number of East­ern monks and ecclesiastics.

1. ftilus of Sinai: A pupil and friend of Chrysos­tom, d. about 430. The Greek menologittm asserts that he came of a noble family, reached high civil offices, even that of exarch, and made a brilliant

I marriage, but gave up all his advantages to lead the life of an anchorite on Mount Sinai with his son Theodulus, while his wife and another child entered an Egyptian convent. He was a prolific author. His extant works (MPG, Lyxix. 81‑1280) include numerous letters and shorter compositions, and twelve or fourteen longer treatises deeding either with the Christian life in general or with special ascetic relations and duties. To the former class belong the Peristerid ad Agathium, a treatise on the pursuit of virtue and the avoidance of vice, and the Tractatus de orations, the most important of this group; the Tractatus de octo spiritibus rnalitice, probably a free adaptation of the similar work of Evagriua Ponticua; Tractatus ad Ettlogium de Wits qua oPPosita aunt virtutibus, probably spurious; De octo aritiosis cogi­tationibua, regarded as a compilation by a later imitator of Nilus; Capita xxuii de diversia malignia cogitationibus; and a homily on Luke xxi. 36. The works pertaining to the monastic life are seven narratives of the killing of some monks of Sinai by the barbarians and the carrying off of his son; a eulogy of the Nitrian hermit Albianus; a eulogy of the ascetic life as the only true continuation of prim­itive Christianity; a letter of instruction and warn­ing to Magna, a deaconess of Ancyra; and De monachorutn lorcestartt%a, a comparison of the hermit and the cenobite, to the advantage of the former.


The collection of his letters edited by P. Poussin (Paris, 1657) contains 355, that published by Leo Allatius (Rome, 1668) contains 1,061, including brief notes or scraps, but probably not many of them are authentic in their present form. Two series of short ethical and ascetic sentences (MPG, lxxix. 123942) are also probably not of his immediate composition. The writings of Nilus in general give an edifying picture of the monasticism of his day. But with all his veneration for the monastic life, he recognized its dangers, warning his disciples against pride and idleness and against the injurious conse­quences of exaggerated asceticism. He puts his wisdom very frequently in the form of proverbs whose rhythm and epigrammatic form are reminis­cent of those of the Old Testament. Their content is a remarkable combination of echoes from classical literature and philosophy with Christian ideas and ascetic principles. The latter he does not hesitate to refer directly to the institution of Christ. The Christian " philosopher " must be free from the ties of affection, earthly cares, and the hindrances of the body. The renunciation of worldly goods and sen­sual desires sets the soul free for direct communion with God and mystical incorporation with Christ. The very height of these ideals makes the contrast all the more striking when he descends to actual conditions, admitting in practise the power of na­ture, repelling those who are not called to the ascetic life, rebuking the idle vagabonds who wander from place to place, alleviating extreme rigors by salutary counsels, and calling to his aid the force of habit which will ultimately supply a new nature in the place of the old. The letters, assuming that the greater part of them are genuine, show by the vari­ety of the unknown persons to whom they are ad­dressed (men and women, clergy and laity, abbots and monks) how many links still bound a venerated anchorite to the world he had quitted.

2. Nilus of Rossano: A monk of the tenth century; b. (of Greek parents) at Rossano in Calabria, 910. He is also known as Nilus of Gaeta or of Grottaferrata from his later residences. He is said to have lived under the rule of St. Basil in various monasteries of central and southern Italy‑for a time in that of St. Alexius at Rome and at Monte Cassino, then principally in the hermitage of Valleluce near Gaeta and near Frascati, where he founded and became the first abbot of the monastery of Grottaferrata. He died Dec. 27, 1005, after a long life of strenuous protest against the corruptions of the time. He was much sought for as a spiritual adviser, and enjoyed the reputation of marked sanctity, attested by the gift of miracles and of prophecy. His name is held in special honor by the monks of St. Basil who still inhabit the same spot; the chapel dedicated to him contains frescoes by Domenichino of scenes in his life, and a representation of him in an altar‑piece by Annibale Carracci.

3. Nilus the Archimandrite (surnamed Doxopa­trius): Notary to the patriarch of Constantinople, protoproedrus syncellorum, and nomophylax of the Eastern Empire; lived about the middle of the twelfth century. He spent some time in Sicily during the reign of Roger, at whose request he wrote (e. 1143) his Syntagma de quinque patriarchalibas

thronis (ed. S. le Moyne, in Varies Sacra, vol. i., Ley­den, 1685; also in MPG, cxxxii.), a remarkable historical treatment of the origin and development of the five patriarchates, entirely in the Eastern or anti‑Roman interest.

4. Nilus Damylas: An abbot in Crete at the be­ginning of the fifteenth century and one of the later Byzantine controversialists against Rome. He left a Typike paradosis (not yet published), a rule for a convent of nuns founded by him; and a testament dated 1417 (ed. S. P. Lambros, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1895, pp. 585 sqq.), which contains an interesting list of Byzantine writings.

Mention may be made of Nilus, archbishop of Rhodes (d. after 1379), a dogmatic and hagiographic author, and of Nilus, patriarch of Constantinople 1379‑87 (cf. Krumbaeher, Geschichte, pp. 109, 174). For Nilus Kabasilas see KABAsmAs, NiLus.

(O. Z6CSLEnt.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On 1. The results of early editing of the Opera are collected in MPG, vol. lxxix. Consult: Tille­mont, Mkmoirea, xiv. 189‑218; Ceillier, Auteurs sacra, iv. 435, viii. 205‑231; J. Fessler, Institutiones patrologio;, ed. B. Jungmann, ii. 2, pp. 108‑126, Innsbruck, 1892; J. Kunze, Marcus Eremita, pp. 129 sqq., Leipsic, 1895; 0. ZSckler, Bxbliache and kirchenhrostorische Studien, iii. 28‑34, iv. 43‑48, Munich, 1893; Neander, Christian Church, vol. ii. passim.

2. An early Vita is in ASB, Sept., vii. 283‑343, and in

excerpts in MPG, iv. 616‑618. Consult: G. Minasi, San

Nilo di Calabria, Naples, 1892; Krumbacher, Geschichte,

pp. 195, 198; Neander, Christian Church, iii. 420‑424 et


NIMBUS: A symbol used by Christian artists

from the fourth century to distinguish representa­

tions of the persons of the Trinity, Biblical and

saintly personages, and sometimes em­

Origin. perors, kings, and other magnates. It

Early consists of a circular or rectangular

History. illuminated space surrounding the head

of the figure, with sometimes a number

of lighter stripes or rays going out from the head.

This usage has its precedent in several non‑Christian

religions‑Brahmanism, Buddhism, Slavic paganism,

and especially the religions of Greece and Rome.

The choice of the attribute is somewhat surprising in

view of the descriptions of divine and angelic appari­

tions in the Bible and the apocryphal and patristic

literature. God and the angels appear to man there,

it is true, amidst light, but also amidst clouds, fire,

and lightning (Gen. xv. 17; Ex. iii. 2, xiii. 21, xix.

16, 18; Num. ix. 15, xiv. 14, etc.). In the narrative

of the transfiguration of Christ, the radiance of his

countenance and the glory in which Moses and Elijah

appeared are emphasized (Matt. xvn. 1; Mark ix.

2; Luke ix. 28); but neither in the New Testament

nor in extra‑canonical literature is there any indi­

cation of a phenomenon analogous to the nimbus.

In direct reference to passages like those cited above,

primitive Christian and early medieval art depicted

God (or the hand of God) amidst clouds at the sacri­

fice of Isaac and the giving of the law, and in flames

at the burning bush, Christ with an aureole and

later a mandorla, angels amidst clouds, etc. But

at the same time the figures of God and Christ or

their emblems, the angels, etc., appeared with even

greater frequency with the nimbus, entirely without

reference to any scriptural or patristic expressions.



Since pre‑Christian art had been accustomed to

depict not only gods and heroes but emperors and

their families with the nimbus, the question arises

from which usage the Christian artists borrowed their

own. Without entering into a detailed discussion,

it may be observed not only that if the nimbus was

borrowed from the usage in regard to gods, it would

be difficult to explain why it did not become preva­

lent before the fourth century, and also why the

corona of rays, frequently used for Zeus, Serapis,

Dionysius, Apollo, etc., was not adopted. When,

on the other hand, it is known that the nimbus, from

Constantine on, became one of the most usual tokens

of imperial rank (not only for the emperors them­

selves but f.)r the members of their families), both

difficulties are removed by the adoption of the latter

theory. Support is added to this conclusion by the

fact that in the hundreds of sarcophagus‑reliefs origi­

nating in Rome and Italy the nimbus is scarcely ever

used even in the fifth century, while in the smaller

number found at Ravenna, done under Byzantine in­

fluence, it occurs comparatively often. The same

evidence is afforded by the paintings in the Roman

catacombs, which represent Christ with the nimbus

where he appears as teacher or lawgiver. The figure

of Christ in the apse of Santa Pudenziana at Rome

reminds the beholder at once of that of Constantius

TT. in the chronograph of 354; both figures are seated

majestically on a throne covered by a large cushion,

and both wear the nimbus‑the only difference

being in the clothing, the gesture of the right hand,

and the object held in the left, a book with Christ

and a scepter with the emperor. Evidently the

nimbus was merely a token of rank.

If the mosaics of the glorified Christ in the two

niches at Santa Costanza in Rome are to be con­

sidered as old as the others existing

Chronolog‑ in the former mausoleum, they are the

ical Devel‑ oldest examples of the use of the nim­

opment bus; but as this is justly disputed, the

first place in proved antiquity must be

assigned to the enthroned Christ with his symbol the

lamb at Santa Pudenziana in Rome, belonging to

the last decade of the fourth century. Christ has

a circular golden nimbus with a border of green, the

lamb one of blue. The nimbus is found even earlier

for Christ in pictures in the catacombs, one of which

(Garrueci, lxvii. 1), not earlier than the pontificate

of Damasus, shows a simple circular nimbus; and

the same kind, of a bluish hue, is found on the heads

of Peter and Paul, who appear thus for the first

time in mosaic in the triumphal arch of San Paolo

fuori le Mura, probably belonging to the time of

Leo the Great (Garruaci, cexxxvii.). The mosaics

in the nave of Santa Maria Maggiore, which De

Rossi and others place in the pontificate of Liberiub,

are especially significant; here for the first time ap­

pears the circular golden nimbus for God, a white

one with green border for the three guests of Abra­

ham (Gen. xviii. 2), and a green one for " the captain

of the Lord's host " (Josh. v. 13), which last picture

places the nimbus for angels in the fourth century.

Angels similarly adorned appear several times in

the arch . of San Paolo, dating from Sixtus III.

Mary with the nimbus, oddly enough, does not ap­

pear in any designs which can be certainly dated in

the fourth century. The symbols of the four evan­gelists seem to have been finally introduced into Christian art toward the end of this century, and at Santa Pudenziana the evangelists appear still with­out the nimbus; at San Paolo Mark and John have it, and in several cases only the emblem of Matthew is thus distinguished, presumably as a mark of special dignity. The extension of the nimbus to personages not yet mentioned does not occur till the fifth century. It is found in the case of John the Baptist in the baptistery, and possibly in that of Laurence in the tomb of Galls Placidia, at Ravenna, and thereafter with increasing frequency. When early western art came to an end, with the close of the sixth century at Rome and a hundred years later in the provinces, the use of the nimbus was wide‑spread, but not governed by any fixed rules; and thus the Middle Ages revived it, to use it more extensively than ever. In Renaissance art is found a certain aversion to the use of this adjunct.

As to form, the earliest Christian examples do not differ essentially from the Greek and Roman; but a characteristic innovation is introduced when

the head of Christ, or of his symbol the Form and lamb, is found with the nimbus con‑

Variations. taining the monogrammatic form t or

f (see JEsus CH=sT, MONOGRAM op),

sometimes flanked by A and V, or with a cross.

The cross became more and more usual, for the

Father and the Holy Spirit as well. It must be

remembered, however, that the use of the monogram

and cross preceded the nimbus in the order of time,

and are found in a few very early instances placed

above the head. Different parts of the world show

their own preferences in this matter. In the Roman

and Italian sarcophagi both the plain and the cruci­

form nimbus are wanting; those of Gaul show the

plain nimbus, but not the monogram or cross; those

of Ravenna, on the other hand, frequently use the

monogram and the A and O. The cross gradually

became preferred over the monogram, and in the

Middle Ages was the usual distinguishing mark of

Christ. The monogram, however, is the older form,

possibly belonging to the end of the fourth century,

while the cruciform nimbus was an invention of the

fifth; and not before the sixth is a rectangular

nimbus found, in the majority o' cases denoting

that the person was still alive at the time of the

representation. In Italy and Greece, and later in

Germany, God the Father was designated in the less

ancient art by a triangular nimbus with rays pro­

ceeding from it; and instances occur in Italy of the

hexagonal form as an attribute of the cardinal vir­

tues. In the Middle Ages Christian art developed

a form of the nimbus which somewhat resembles the

pre‑Christian corona of rays. The beams of light

proceeding from the head of the figure form a sort

of sun or sometimes, especially in the case of Christ,

a cross. To this form the way led through the kind

of nimbus found in Gothic carvings, in which the

effect of the disc‑shaped frame is heightened by the

introduction of rays, so that it was a simple matter

to omit the frame altogether. Renaissance art

either reduced the nimbus to a faint radiance sur­

rounding the head, or dropped it altogether.

(Nmorsus Mttrsan.)


BIBLaoa8AP87: L. Stephani, in M4rnoirea de racaddmis den sciences de St. P&erabourp, 6th ser., ix. 361‑500, 1859; F. C. C. Munter, Sinnbi(der and Kunatvoratdlunpen der alien Christen, ii. 20 eqq., Altona, 1825; C. C. F. Siegel , Chr"ich‑kirrhtidra Alterfhumer, i. 438‑437, iii. 301 sqq., 4 vols., Leipsic, 1838‑38; A. N. Didron, Iconographic rhrNienne, pp. 4 aqq•, Paris, 1843, Eng. tranel., i. 22 sqq., London, 1849; J. A. Martigny, Didionnaire des antkrdtde chnfiennea, pp. 436 x.37, Paris, 1865; F. X. Krum, Beai­Eucykiopadie der chrisUicAen Alterhamer, ii. 498 eqq•, Freiburg, 1886; Mrs. A. Jameson, Sacred and Legendary Art, i. 27‑28. Hostom, 1893; DCA, ii. 1398‑1402; BL, v. 1628‑31.

AWE% EDICT OF. Events Leading to the Edict (g 1). Religious Policy Underlying the, Edict (§ 2). Anti‑Protestant Campaign, 1661‑79 (1 3). Increasing Harshness, 1679‑84 (¢ 4). The Dragonnades (1 5). Bmults to Protestantism and Frames U 6).

The Edict of Nantes (q.v.) was a compromise made by Henry TV. of France between the estab­lished Roman Catholic religion and the confession of the Protestant minority of his subjects, protect­ing the latter, as the weaker body, by :. Events guaranties. Their most valuable pro­Leading tection, however, lay in their loyalty to the Edict. to the crown, and in its impartial atti­tude toward the conflicting parties. If the sovereign once took a decided stand on the Roman Catholic side, or if the Protestants assumed a hostile position toward it, the maintenance of the compromise and the continued existence of Protes­tantism would be at once imperiled. As long as Henry TV. lived, there was little danger of either. He continued in the path of reconciliation, and re­newed the sanction of " cities of safety" to the Reformed for another four years from Aug. 1, 1605. But his death in 1610 completely altered the situa­tion. From this moment deliberate attempts were made to undermine the edict, to limit its operation or effect its revocation. Above or below the sur­face, this conflict went on for seventy‑five years. Immediately after Henry's death all the differences which had been latent in the relation of the two parties to each other and of the Protestants to the government became visible. The Protestants justly distrusted the bigoted queen‑regent and her like­minded son Louis XIII.; and although the Edict of Nantes was solemnly confirmed on May 22, 1610, open violations of its provisions soon occurred. It was not until in 1620, when Warn was incorporated with the kingdom and Roman Catholicism was forced on the people of the little mountain state, that they took up arms (1621). The conflict then begun was of a different character from the earlier wars of religion. By no means the whole of French Prot­estantism took part in it; there was no commanding personality like that of Coligny or Henry of Na­varre, and discord prevailed among the nobles of the party. German Protestantism, fighting for its own existence, could send no help, and that which came from England was badly planned and ineffect­ive. The unhappy decisions of the assembly of La Rochelle, organizing the Protestant party on the model of the States‑General of the Netherlands (May 10, 1621), gave the government an excuse for treating the Reformed as flagrant rebels. The war, carried on with great severity, was partially favora­VIIL‑12

ble to the Huguenots in 1621 and 1622, thanks to the heroic defense of Montauban and Montpellier, but the rising of 1625 and the campaigns between that date and 1628 ended unfavorably with the surrender of La Rochelle. The peace of Alais (June 28, 1629), followed by the Edict of Nimes, (July, 1629), was at once the termination of overt hostili­ties and the beginning of a new epoch in the history of French Protestantism.

The Edict of Nimes guaranteed to the vanquished a full pardon for their rebellion, and confirmed that of Nantes in all that concerned freedom of con­science, free exercise of religion, personal security,

and civil rights; but it abolished the s. Religious material guaranties for the preserva­Policy tion of these rights. By its terms the Underlying Huguenots ceased to be a political

the Edict. party in the state, and were reduced to

a position of dependence on the king's grace. The payments made by Henry IV. and for a time by Louis XIII. to the Protestant minis­ters were stopped; and the edict emphasized the definite expectation entertained of the reunion of the seceders with the Roman Catholic Church. This continued to be the goal of French ecclesiasti­cal policy, and all means were tried in the effort to attain it. Richelieu was too clear‑sighted, at a time when France was just setting out on her career as a world power, to comply with the demand of Rome that he should suppress heresy by force through the simple revocation of the Edict of Nantes, thus rendering desperate a numerous, intelligent, and well‑to‑do section of the population. He preferred a gradual policy. From the time (Mar. 6, 1631) when the exercise of the Reformed religion was pro­hibited in Rioux (Saintonge), scarcely a year passed without some locality being deprived of Evangelical worship. In 1633 half the Protestant colleges were transferred to the Roman Catholics; in Metz the Protestants were forbidden (1635) to erect one; in Dijon they were commanded to decorate their houses for the feasts of the Church; the parliament of Bordeaux forbade Reformed parents to compel the attendance of their children at their own worship (1636). After the death of Richelieu and during the rest of the minority of Louis XIV. the same policy was continued, though to a less marked ex­tent, the government fearing that the Huguenots might take the side of the Fronde. But they re­mained so loyal that Louis XIV. himself was com­pelled to acknowledge the fact in a decree of May 21, 1652, which granted them some alleviations. The period from 1649 to 1656 was the happiest that they enjoyed. In the latter year persecution began again. In 1659 the holding of a national synod was permitted, with the express declaration that it was to be the last. This ordinance, depriving the Prot­estants as it did of their supreme court in both doctrine and discipline, was the beginning of the systematic policy of repression of Louis XIV. From the outset of his reign he had the firm intent of annihilating Protestantism in his kingdom; all as­surances respecting the validity and maintenance of the Edict of Nantes were mere formalities. He felt that he was on this point in sympathy with the majority of his Roman Catholic subjects; he was





supported by his devoted officials, to whom the king's word wvs law; and the anti‑Protestant incli­nation of king and people was fostered by the clergy.

Only a brief sketch can be given of the policy of gradual encroachment on the rights of the Reformed Church. The first blow was struck at the permis‑

sion of public worship, which a com­a. Anti‑ mission was appointed (Apr. 15, 1661) Protestant to investigate throughout the kingdom. Campaign, In 1663140 churches were closed, forty­:66:‑7g. one in 1664, and sixteen in 1666, and so on year by year, often on the most absurd and arbitrary pretexts, while the erection of new ones was strictly forbidden. Many schools were also closed, or limited to elementary instruc­tion; the higher school at Mmes was placed in the hands of the Jesuits and the theological faculty suppressed. Every possible facility was offered for conversions to the Roman Catholic faith; the age at which children might declare their convention was fixed at twelve for girls and fourteen for boys. In towns with a preponderating Protestant popula­tion the officials were drawn equally from both religions, but Protestants were never allowed to preside. They were allowed to attend baptisms and weddings only in limited numbers; when they were dying, the priest might come in unbidden to ascertain if they were determined to die in their faith; in places where there was no Evangelical pub­lic worship, they could be buried only at daybreak or nightfall, and then only with a limited number of attendants.

Toward 1680 the position of the Protestants grew markedly worse. The Peace of Nimeguen (1679) had set Louis XIV. free from foreign dangers; and the change which about the same time came over

his life in the direction of religious 4. Increas‑ strictness tended to make him more ing Harsh‑ anxious to carry out what he believed nesa, x679‑ to be his duty. The Protestant quers­:694. Lion had become the most important

problem of internal administration, and the king's mood, now that he stood at the height of his power and regarded the defection of his sub­jects from his faith as a personal injury, tended more and more toward a forcible solution. This tendency was encouraged by the pitiless and violent Louvois and his father the chancellor Le Tellier, as well as by the king's confessor, P6re La Chaise. The closing of churches went on with increasing frequency; ordinance after ordinance excluded the Huguenots from a still greater number of public functions. In 1681 the age for the voluntary con­version of children was lowered to seven years. A fever of zeal for the conversion of the Protestants seized the. country; the upper classes especially vied with each other in attempting to reclaim their kinsfolk and subordinates; hosts of missionaries preached up and down the land, and houses for the reception and support of converts of both sexes were founded everywhere. Deeds of violence against the Huguenots, too, increased in number. Churches were destroyed and their Bibles burned. Early in 1681, at the suggestion of the intendant Marillac, Louvois began to apply in Poitou the method of quartering soldiers principally upon the

Protestants, who might escape the burden altogether for two years by conversion to the State Church. This method was abandoned, nearly nine months later, when emigration had begun to assume alarm­ing proportions and notice had been taken of it in the English Parliament; but meanwhile the Re­formed religion had been almost annihilated in the province. Throughout the country, however, the majority of the Huguenots displayed an admirable constancy, in the face alike of violence and seductive invitations such as those given by the national as­sembly of the clergy in July, 1682. The end was not far off; in the summer of 1683 the two religions came to blows in the C6vennes, the Vivarais, and Dauphin6, and the government put down rebellion without mercy.

As early as August, 1684, the revocation of the Edict of Nantes was definitely contemplated in government circles, and by the next January the keener‑sighted Protestants had begun

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